Link to W.W. Phelps' Description of Cantonment Leavenworth, LATTER DAY SAINTS' MESSENGER AND ADVOCATE, Vol. I. No. 4, Kirtland, Ohio, January, 1835, Whole No. 4., COMMUNICATIONS, LETTER NO. III
Liberty, Mo. Nov. 13, 1834.

The Economic Impact of Fort Leavenworth on Northwestern Missouri, 1827-1838: Yet Another Reason for the Mormon War?
By Michael S. Riggs, in Marjorie B. Troeh and Eileen M. Terrill, eds., Restoration Studies IV (Independence, Missouri, Herald Publishing House, 1988), 124-133.

The Economic Impact of Fort Leavenworth on Northwestern Missouri, 1827-1838: Yet Another Reason for the Mormon War?
By Michael S. Riggs, in Marjorie B. Troeh and Eileen M. Terrill, eds., Restoration Studies IV (Independence, Missouri, Herald Publishing House, 1988), 124-133.

    Many of the original recountings of the Missouri period of Mormon history focused on a single explanation of Mormon persecution. Similar to the first-century martyrs, Mormons left numerous accounts of "renounce your religion or else" ultimatums. Although unperceived by them, many of their difficulties with the Missourian were the result of nondoctrinal issues. As Warren Jennings points out: "Many of these differences were not so much religious as they were social, political, and economic."1 Most of the writing on Mormon-Missourian difficulties has dealt with the social and political problems. Economic competition between the two groups has had much less attention devoted to it.

The purpose of this study will be to examine the economic impact of Fort Leavenworth on the upper counties of Missouri during the 1830s. Since the opportunity did exist for head-to-head competition for government contracts between the Missourians and the Mormons, it is important to determine the extent of dealings both sides had with the fort. It is also important to ascertain the Missourians' perceptions about competing with the Mormons.

The fort opened in 1827 and was in operation during all three periods of Mor­mon occupation in Missouri, i.e., the years in Jackson County (1831-1833), Clay County (1834-1836), and Caldwell and Daviess Counties (1836-1838). Mormon involvement with Fort Leavenworth increased dramatically during each of the three phases, right up to their expulsion from the state. Could this have been yet another reason for the Mormon War?

Cantonment Leavenworth

In the early 1820s northwestern Missouri represented the furthermost boundaries of civilization in the American West, and Mexico was winning its in­dependence from Spain. Missouri became a state in 1821. Also in 1821, William Becknell, who was a resident of Franklin, Missouri, decided to capitalize on the possibilities of freer trade with the new republic of Mexico. His first expedi­tion to Santa Fe later earned him the honored title, "The Father of the Santa Fe Trail."2

As trade along this 800-mile route increased, the Indians (whose land was being trespassed) became tempted by the unprotected spoils of the caravans. Despite the United States Congress' appropriation of $20,000 to the Indians for the "right of way," nonaligned tribes began to plunder at will. This led to retaliations from the whites; soon open hostilities became quite frequent along the trail.3


Colonel Henry Leavenworth

In response to requests from the traders, the War Department ordered Colonel Henry Leavenworth, along with his 188 men of the 3d Infantry Regiment, to establish a cantonment for their protection. Colonel Leavenworth and his men traveled up the Missouri River in keelboats from St. Louis and arrived at the site of the new garrison on May 8, 1827. The location chosen for the cantonment later took on economic significance:

According to a treaty with the Indians, the cantonment was to be located on the east bank of the river. Colonel Leavenworth noted that the east bank was low and marshy, so he chose to build the cantonment atop the high bluffs on the west bank. The War Department later approved his decision, and the establishment was officially named Cantonment Leavenworth. "Cantonments" were redesignated "forts" in 1832."

The year following the establishment of the cantonment, a road was opened con­necting it to the town of Liberty, twenty-six miles east, in Clay County. About seventeen of those miles were in what was called the "Platte Country." This land had been set aside for the exclusive use of the relocated Indian tribes and was there­fore "off-limits" to white settlers. Despite the restrictions, many residents of Clay County became "squatters" while others obtained legitimate business permits from agents at the fort.5

As mentioned above, the building of the garrison across the Missouri River on the west bank became an important factor to the local economy. Contracts were let to civilian terriers to transport goods and people between the fort and the Missouri shore. One such man, Zadock Martin, built a two-room cabin for his six sons, three daughters, and six slaves below the "Falls" of the Little Platte. He later added two shed rooms and proceeded to run a tavern as a sideline to the ferry business.6

Judge Joseph Thorp reported that his brother, John Thorp, had been Martin's partner in the venture for the first year. Thorp noted that rigid rules were written into the contract. For example, they were "not allowed to sell whisky to the soldiers, nor to the Indians, nor buy any of the sol­diers' clothes. The price of ferriage was fixed, and the officers saw that the con­tract was strictly enforced."7

By 1833 it had become apparent that the infantry troops stationed at the fort were not very effective in pursuing and punishing Indians on horseback. To remedy the situation, the 1st Dragoons (later called 1st Cavalry Regiment), under the command of Colonel Henry Dodge, were transferred to Fort Leavenworth in 1834.8

The earlier regulations on civilian trade seem to have continued under the new post commander.

No sooner had Colonel Dodge arrived, than Zadock Martin wrote a letter to the Quartermaster General stating that in his opinion, from now on the Post ought to raise its own forage, hiring civilians to take charge of farms on the Reservation for that purpose. The Quartermaster General communicated with Colonel Dodge, who promptly replied, stating his vigorous objections, the principle one of which had to do with the bringing in of whiskey to the soldiers. He stated that there was already a large illicit whiskey trade carried on by some of the settlers across the river and that the in­troduction of civilian whites into the Post would only increase the existing difficulties.9

Colonel Dodge's allegations were con firmed by Judge Thorp, who stated that his brother pulled out of his profitable partnership after only a year, "when Martin, seeing that if he could traffic whisky to the Indians he could soon make a pile. . . my brother, not being willing to violate his agreement [with the government], turned it over to Martin."10

Colonel Leavenworth's primary consideration in placing the garrison on the west bank of the Missouri River was the suitability of high bluffs as opposed to low marshlands. Colonel Dodge quickly recognized the additional strategic advantages of using the river as a natural "buffer zone" to help maintain the fort's restrictive trading policies in the face of an ever­ growing white civilian population on the opposite bank.

"On the borders by the Lamanites."

Heeding the call of the young prophet Joseph Smith, Jr., hundreds of Mormons began emigrating to Jackson County, Missouri, in 1831. By 1833 their numbers had grown to approximately 1,200, or about one-third of the total population. First printed in 1830, the Book of Mormon prophesied that the "Lamanites" (Indians) were to become a great people in the last days and assist the Mormons in building the millennial city of New Jerusalem." During Joseph Smith's first visit to Jackson County in July of 1831, he recorded a revelation designating a spot near the village of Independence as the site for the city of Zion. On this occasion it was also revealed to the Saints:

"Wherefore, it is wisdom that the land should be purchased by the saints; and also every tract lying westward, even unto the line running directly between Jew and Gentile. And also every tract bordering by the prairies. . . that they may obtain it for an everlasting inheritance."12 In this passage, the term "Jew" makes reference to the Indians, and "Gentile" means the Missourians. In other words, the instruction to the Mormons was to procure all the land between Independence (eastern Jackson County) and the state line, toward Fort Leavenworth.

A contemporary gazetteer compiled by Alphonso Wetmore in 1837, used Independence merchant Samuel D. Lucas as a source of information. This provides a vital insight into the "old settlers" view of the Mormons' intentions in Jackson County.

 The county of Jackson is happily situated, with a market close at hand for a large amount of its farming products. This market is made by the location of half-civilized emigrant Indians close on their borders, and by the wants of the half-starved tribe of Kansas Indians, who reside farther out, in the territory of the United States, west of Missouri.

The military post of Fort Leavenworth, on the same side of Missouri river, and half a day's ride above, likewise swallows up a considerable amount of produce, particularly since the location of the dragoons at that place. With these local advantages, it is not strange therefore, that the fanatic tribe of Mormons fixed their mock revelation city of "New Jerusalem" in this county.13

Despite the great economic opportunities Jackson County offered through trade with both the Santa Fe Trail traders and Fort Leavenworth, the Mormons did not actively pursue these during the two years they resided there. The Mormons really had no place for outside business interests. They had adopted a communitarian economic order called "consecration." They held all things in common, with any surplus going into "the Bishop's storehouse" for the benefit of the poor.14 Acting against the counsel of Joseph Smith, many of the Mormons that moved to Jackson County came penniless. This put such a great burden on the storehouse that there was nothing left over to sell to the garrison.15 It was not until after their forced expulsion from Jackson County in 1833 that the Mormons began to fully sense the economic importance of Fort Leavenworth.

    Although (as the Gazetteer points out) Jackson County saw "a considerable amount" of their produce consumed by Fort Leavenworth, the major supplier of the garrison at this time was Clay County. Judge Thorp of Clay County wrote that his fellow citizens "got nearly all of the government contracts." He goes on to ex­plain,

As we were the border county and the Indians occupied the strip of land between us and the river, and were receiving annuity and rations from the government, our enterprising traders sought to make contracts with the government to furnish the Indians with all the supplies that were wanted.16

For the decade spanning 1827-1837 "the merchants at Liberty took contracts of the Fort for supplies of flour, groceries, provisions, etc."17 One Clay County mer­chant wrote that in 1834 there were "seven stores in this place [Liberty], who sell on the average about $120,000 anually."18 That same year a Mormon named W. W. Phelps wrote from Liberty:

"The bill for the subsistence of the garrison only, as advertized last summer, was. . . between 16, and $17,000."19 Even though Phelps's figures do not include the provisions that the fort was providing the Indians, these figures still equate to between 13 and 14 percent of the Liberty merchants' business.

Making the most of a good thing, Thorp explains how the shrewder Clay County merchants practiced an early form of "price fixing":

Sometimes to avoid too strong opposition with each other, those that had received the contracts would make a kind of compromise so that the different articles that were needed were divided among them, which enabled all hands to get the highest price that the government could be made to Pay.20

In the midst of all this competition, what part did the exiled Mormons play during their two-year tenure in Clay County? According to John Corrill "they [the Mormons] were received in a hospitable manner" and given employment which "paid them good wages."21 Most of the jobs available, however, consisted of various forms of hard labor paying a meager rate of 50 cents per day.22 The cheap Mormon labor force was soon reduced to a lower-class role. They were used, in part, to support the Clay County capitalists who were supplying the greater demand for commerce brought on by the 1834 arrival of the 1st Dragoons to Fort Leavenworth. Lyman Wight, a promi­nent Mormon, conveyed the essence of this idea in the following testimony:

Thus, like men of servitude, we went to work to obtain a scanty living among the inhabitants of Clay county. Every advantage which could be taken of a people under these circumstances was not ne­glected by the people of Clay county. A great degree of friendship prevailed between the Saints and the people, under these circumstances, for the space of two years, when the Saints commenced purchasing some small possessions for themselves. This, together with the immigration, created a jealousy on the part of the old citizens that we were to be their servants no longer.23

The almost absolute monopoly Clay County had established in trade with Fort Leavenworth began to weaken during 1836-1837 because of two unrelated events. The first was the movement of the Mormons into Caldwell and Daviess Counties. The other reason was the annexation of the "Platte Country" by the state of Missouri. Here again, Judge Thorp provided an important insight.

We enjoyed these advantages until the Platte Purchase was made, which was about 1837 or 1838. It was soon settled up by enterprising and intelligent citizens, who in turn reaped the advantages that had belonged to Clay.24

 

The Platte Purchase

The boundaries for the state of Missouri were originally fixed in 1820 by the Missouri Enabling Act. At that time the western border was established as "a line running due north and south through the mouth of the Kansas river."25 Between this boundary line on the east and the natural curving line of the Missouri River on the west was a triangle of prime fertile land. In 1830 the United States Congress passed the Indian Removal Act, which in effect opened up this strip of land for an Indian reserve.26 The Missouri settlers liv­ing near this border began lobbying their political representatives almost immediately to move the state line west to the Missouri River.

As the population of northwestern Missouri grew, settlers were pushed further and further north of Clay County. As pointed out in the History of Platte County, to the farmers it seemed a great hardship to have to haul all their market products, and drive their stock down to Clay county to reach the river for shipment, 75 or 100 miles, when, but for the Indian reserve, they could take them directly across to the river, not less than one-third the distance by the other route; or what was immeasurably better, and what they really wanted to do, move across into the river lands themselves.27

The growing interest in the Platte Country was not exclusive to the Missourians. After their expulsion from Jackson County in 1833, the Mormons also began to recognize the worth of both the land and its location. Between October and November 1834, W. W. Phelps wrote three letters from Liberty to the editor of the Messenger and Advocate, the monthly Mormon organ in Ohio. In all three letters Phelps went into great detail describing the Platte Country in very enthusiastic terms. He noted in his second letter, dated the 6th of November 1834:

This fine tract of territory [the Platte Country] embraces land enough for two or three counties, and contrary to the observation which I wrote you last August about it, there will be further effort for annexation to this State, as soon as matters can move."

In his third letter, written one week later, he said: "Few places in north America present to the eye, grander views than Cantonment Leavenworth." Phelps spoke from first-hand observation, having just visited Cantonment Leavenworth and the surrounding region himself. In this same letter, he com­mented on more than just the scenic natural habitat encompassing the fort.

A word or two upon the worth or growing importance of this garrison, may not be improper. It is the outermost civilized post of note in the west, and while the United States gathers the scattered remnants of the Indians, and locates them in this section, and keeps this post filled with troops to guard them, &c. an immense sum of money must be expended in the upper counties to furnish the troops, the Indians, and others, with provisions, fodder and other necessaries.29

Despite their recent removal from Jackson County, the Mormon leadership was still encouraging their members to "gather" to Missouri. The printing of the three Phelps' letters in the Ohio-based newspaper was a "carrot." The difficulties that had transpired in Jackson County were well known to the Ohio Saints. Phelps' extremely positive image of a possible alternate location was necessary to attract them to Missouri.

The United States Congress, however, had three major objections to the opening of the Platte Country: (1) it would expand a state that was already one of the largest in the Union, (2) it would require moving Indians off land that had been given to them a few years before, and (3) it meant tampering with the Missouri Compromise by adding more land to a slave state.30

The Missourians grew serious about this annexation issue sometime during the summer of 1835, at a regimental militia muster at Dale's farm, three miles from the town of Liberty, in Clay County. After the morning parade and during the recess for dinner, the citizens present were organized into a mass meeting, which was addressed, among others, by Gen. Andrew S. Hughes. . . at this meeting he proposed the acquision of Platte Country. It was taken up with enthusiasm, and a committee was appointed to further the efforts to accomplish this object, composed of the following distinguished Missourians: A.W. Doniphan. . . David R. Atchison. . . William T. Wood. . . Peter H. Burnett. . . and Edward M. Samuel. . . All these men were residents of Clay County at that date."

With the strong backing of Senators Thomas H. Benton and F. L. Linn of Missouri, in June 1836, Congress agreed to make the Platte Indian Reservation a Part of Missouri as soon as their title to the land could be extingished. . . . In an action designed to impress Congress, more than 300 families. . . had moved into the Platte area to locate and settle on their future claims. This proved to be of no advantage. Congress was not impressed. Troops from Ft. Leavenworth forced their removal and went so far as to burn a few cabins that had been put up by the settlers. In March, 1837, Congress acted to extinguish title of the Fox, Sac, and Iowa Indians, referred to later as the "Platte Purchase," and extended the Western boundary of the State to the Missouri River. The In­dians were removed to what is now Doniphan County, Kansas, an area about one-eighth in size to the Platte Reservation."

Once the new area opened, the rush was on. "Even within a day or two after the receipt of the news immigrants began to move into the new country by the hundreds."33 "From zero population in March 1837, the count of the Platte County 1840 Census was 8,913. Platte was the fastest growing county in the State. In 1850, the population was 16,845. By comparison, Jackson County had 14,000 Clay had 10,332. "34

Caldwell County

This fine tract of territory [the Platte Country] embraces land enough for two or three counties, and contrary to the observation which I wrote you last August about it, there will be further effort for annexation to this State, as soon as matters can move."

In his third letter, written one week later, he said: "Few places in north America present to the eye, grander views than Cantonment Leavenworth." Phelps spoke from first-hand observation, having just visited Cantonment Leavenworth and the surrounding region himself. In this same letter, he com­mented on more than just the scenic natural habitat encompassing the fort.

A word or two upon the worth or growing importance of this garrison, may not be improper. It is the outermost civilized post of note in the west, and while the United States gathers the scattered remnants of the Indians, and locates them in this section, and keeps this post filled with troops to guard them, &c. an immense sum of money must be expended in the upper counties to furnish the troops, the Indians, and others, with provisions, fodder and other necessaries.29

Despite their recent removal from Jackson County, the Mormon leadership was still encouraging their members to "gather" to Missouri. The printing of the three Phelps' letters in the Ohio-based newspaper was a "carrot." The difficulties that had transpired in Jackson County were well known to the Ohio Saints. Phelps' extremely positive image of a possible alternate location was necessary to attract them to Missouri.

The United States Congress, however, had three major objections to the opening of the Platte Country: (1) it would expand a state that was already one of the largest in the Union, (2) it would require moving Indians off land that had been given to them a few years before, and (3) it meant tampering with the Missouri Compromise by adding more land to a slave state.30

The Missourians grew serious about this annexation issue sometime during the summer of 1835, at a regimental militia muster at Dale's farm, three miles from the town of Liberty, in Clay County. After the morning parade and during the recess for dinner, the citizens present were organized into a mass meeting, which was addressed, among others, by Gen. Andrew S. Hughes. . . at this meeting he proposed the acquision of Platte Country. It was taken up with enthusiasm, and a committee was appointed to further the efforts to accomplish this object, composed of the following distinguished Missourians: A.W. Doniphan. . . David R. Atchison. . . William T. Wood. . . Peter H. Burnett. . . and Edward M. Samuel. . . All these men were residents of Clay County at that date."

With the strong backing of Senators Thomas H. Benton and F. L. Linn of Missouri, in June 1836, Congress agreed to make the Platte Indian Reservation a Part of Missouri as soon as their title to the land could be extingished. . . . In an action designed to impress Congress, more than 300 families. . . had moved into the Platte area to locate and settle on their future claims. This proved to be of no advantage. Congress was not impressed. Troops from Ft. Leavenworth forced their removal and went so far as to burn a few cabins that had been put up by the settlers. In March, 1837, Congress acted to extinguish title of the Fox, Sac, and Iowa Indians, referred to later as the "Platte Purchase," and extended the Western boundary of the State to the Missouri River. The Indians were removed to what is now Doniphan County, Kansas, an area about one-eighth in size to the Platte Reservation."

Once the new area opened, the rush was on. "Even within a day or two after the receipt of the news immigrants began to move into the new country by the hundreds."33 "From zero population in March 1837, the count of the Platte County 1840 Census was 8,913. Platte was the fastest growing county in the State. In 1850, the population was 16,845. By comparison, Jackson County had 14,000 Clay had 10,332. "34

Coinciding with the long-awaited Platte Purchase was the removal of the Mormons from their temporary home in Clay County. It was not a question of whether the Mormons would leave (both sides agreed it was time) but of where they were going to relocate. The Clay County leadership suggested the Wisconsin territory as a possible choice. Since they still desired to redeem their lands in Jackson County one day, the Saints insisted on staying in Missouri. According to Reed Peck, a compromise was eventually worked out:
    through the intercession of John Corrill [Mormon] with the concurrence and active influence of lawyers D. R. Atchinson, A. W. Doniphan, Amos Rees and a few other gentlemen, leave was granted the Mormons by common consent of the surrounding counties to settle in a body a tract of land north of Ray County twenty four miles long and Eighteen miles wide, which was at the next session of the Legislature incorporated a county and named "Caldwell."

In the course of the fall of 1836 and the suc­ceeding winter nearly all [of] the Mormons in the state had collected in Caldwell County and by persevering industry soon opened extensive farms and it seemed by magic that the wild prairies over a large tract were converted into cultivated fields per­sons visiting the county remarked, "that no other people of the same number could build a town like Far West and accomplish as much in the agricultural line in five years as the Mormons had in one" Confidence was established (to a certain degree) among all parties- Merchants did not hesitate to furnish individuals of the society with large stocks of goods on credit so that in 1837 there were six Mormon Stores in Far West and all doing very good business."

The question might be raised of why the Mormons were not located in the recently acquired Platte Country. The answer seems obvious when one compares the names of the Clay County committee members organized to accomplish the Platte Purchase in 1835 with Reed Peck's list of Missourians instrumental in setting up Caldwell County as a new home for the Mormons. Messrs. Doniphan and Atchison, lawyers historically deemed friendly to the Mormons, appear on both lists. The Mormons were given what was perceived to be the dross prairie country of Caldwell County as a diversion from the choice bottomlands of the Platte Country.

Apparently undaunted by their location, which was less than advantageous for trade with the garrison, the Mormons acted in three ways to overcome their geographical weakness. First, whether in an organized manner or not, many Mormons went to Fort Leavenworth to work during this time. In the accounts left by the Mormons, two jobs commonly referred to were cutting and hauling wood.36 Newell Knight, a skilled millwright, won a •government contract during the summer of 1838 to build a mill for the Indians sixty miles upstream from Fort Leavenworth.37

The other two areas of response by the Mormons were interrelated and planned. These two facets included establishment of an economical, practical trade route for the Saints and formation of "agricultural firms" designed to compete in both agricultural and non-agricultural enterprise with local Missourians. They were initiated in the spring of 1838 after Joseph Smith relocated from Ohio to the growing Mormon stronghold of Far West in Caldwell County. At that time, a progressive economic program began to be formulated. Writing for the benefit of those who had not yet followed them to Missouri from Ohio, the First Presidency, led by Joseph Smith, editorialized in the Far West press about the agricultural-business advantages of the new church headquarters:

Hundreds of acres of corn have been planted already, in our immediate neighborhood; and hun­dreds of acres more are now being planted. (This is the fourth day of May. [1838])

The crops of wheat are very promising, and the prospect is that we will have an abundant harvest. The vast quantities of provision purchased, in this upper country by the United States, for the use of the Garrison, and also for the Indians, have made all kinds of provision dear. and somewhat scarce."

Two weeks after the above letter was written, Joseph Smith led a survey party in securing land around Adam-ondi-Ahman, another Mormon town site which had been established on the Grand River twenty-five miles north of Far West, ("on a good wagon road").39 The Saints felt that the Grand River, which empties into the Missouri River, was navigable. At the point where the two rivers meet, another Mormon town named DeWitt was slated to begin development as a commercial port in late June of the same year.40 While on a surveying trip near Adam-ondi-Ahman on May 21, 1838, Joseph Smith's history records:

I called a council of the brethren, to know whether it was wisdom to go immediately into the north country, or tarry. . . and secure all the land near by, that is not secured between this and Far West, especially on Grand River. President Rigdon concurred, and the council voted unanimously to secure the land on Grand River, and between this and Far West.41

This proposal if implemented, would complete a transportation network whereby products could be hauled from Far West overland to Adam-ondi-Ahman and then carried down the Grand River through the DeWitt landing to the Missouri River. From there they had access to any of the local markets including Fort Leavenworth. This system would eliminate the need to route their commodities through the landing at Liberty, thus bypassing the costly fees levied there.

The third point was a potential jugger­naut: the formation of cooperative "agricultural firms" by the Mormons. Had the Saints been afforded more time, this enterprise could have had significant influence on the whole "upper Missouri" economy. Joseph Smith's diary account for August 20, 1838 states:

This day the inhabitants of the different parts of the Town or County met to organize themselves into companies called agricultural Companies, the presidency were there and took a part in the same, one Company was established called the western agricultural Company who voted to take in one field for grain containing twelve Sections which is Seven thousand Six hundred & eighty acres of land Another Company was organised Called the eastern agricultural Company the number of acres is not yet asertained, the next day another Company was organized Called the Southern agri. Compy field to be as large as the first one.42

Similar agricultural firms were already under way in and around Adam-ondi-Ahman.43 With this kind of land and human resources available, combined with a highly organized transportation network, the Mormons could have collectively dominated the local markets.

Farm commodities were not the only products the Mormons were planning to produce. According to one firm member, "all kind of necessary articles will be manufactured."44 The most ambitious nonagricultural enterprise attempted by the firms was later remembered by Joseph Holbrook,a member of the Western Agricultural Firm.

About the first of October 1838 the Western Firm having heard that the government was about to let out a job for making a road from Fort Leavenworth south through the Indian country they sent Esquire Bozarth and myself to look out for such road and put in such bids as might think proper. . . . We put in a sealed bid of fourteen thousand dollars for the two north sections of 40 miles to grade, bridge, and etc. Then there were about 100 such bids put in for said road, many for double that of ours while there was some for less which relieved us from further duties.45

Even though the bid was not won, merely attempting it demonstrates the firm's intentions of engaging in a variety of economic pursuits, including head-to-head competition with the Missourians.

By the end of October 1838, the Mormon War was over. Far West had become a concentration camp filled with more than 5,000 captives waiting to be exiled out of the state the next spring. The full implementation of this dynamic economic venture was never to be realized. Many of the principles first developed in these firms, however, continue to be used by various Restoration groups today.

In the final analysis, it is important to remember that whenever societies clash, each tries to justify its own position by claiming to be the defender of some high and noble cause. It is for those noble causes that the greater part of conflicts are historically remembered. This is the reason that more direct accusations (like the one found in the Gazetteer) are seldom found. The evidence is clear, however, that there was a great deal of interest on both sides to make "a good profit" from Fort Leavenworth. Although it is not put forth as the sole cause of the difficulties, it does seem sound to conclude that this strong economic threat posed by the Saints can accurately be considered yet another reason for the Mormon war.

1. Warren Abner Jennings,"Zion Is Fled: The Expulsion of the Mormons from Jackson County, Missouri" (Diss., Univ. of Florida, 1962), iii.

2. T. Edgar Lyon, "Independence, Missouri, and the Mormons, 1827-1837," BYU Studies 13 (Autumn 1972), 11-12.

3. For a more indepth treatment, see Elvid Hunt, History of Fort Leavenworth 1827-1937, rev., Walter E. Lorence, 2d ed. (Fort Leavenworth: The Command and General Staff School Press, 1937; repr. Fort Leavenworth: The Fort Leavenworth Historical Society, 1981), 11.

4. Self-Guided Tour of Fort Leavenworth the Gateway to the West (Fort Leavenworth: Fort Leavenworth Historical Society, 1982), 3.

5. See History of Clay and Platte Counties Missouri (St. Louis: National Historical Society, 1885), 543. See also, Joseph Thorp, Early Days in the West (Liberty, Mo: Irving Gilmer, Publisher, repr. 1924), 62-63.

6. Hunt, 22.

7. Thorp, 62.

8. Hunt, 50-51.

9. Ibid., 52.

10. Thorp, 62.

11. See The Book of Mormon: An Account Written By the Hand of Mormon Upon Plates Taken From the Plates of Nephi (Palmyra, N.Y.: E. B. Grandin, 1830), 501.

12. Doctrine and Covenants of the Church of the Latter-day Saints: Carefully Selected from the Revelations of God (F. G. Williams and Co., 1835), 27:1.

13. Alphonso Wetmore, ed., Gazetteer of the State of Missouri (St. Louis: C. Keemie, 1837), 93.

14. See A Book of Commandments, for the Government of the Church of Christ. Organized According to Law, on the 6th of April, 1830. (Zion [Independence], Mo.: W. W. Phelps & Co., 1833), 44:26-29.

15. See John Corrill, Brief History of the Church of Christ of Latter Day Saints (Commonly Called Mormons) (St. Louis: John Corrill, 1839; repr. Bountiful, Utah: Restoration Research, 1983), 18-19. See also Wetmore, 93.

16. Thorp, 62-63.

17. History of Clay & Platte Counties, 543.

18. William D. Hoyt, Jr., ed., "A Clay Countian's Letters of 1834," Missouri Historical Review 45 (1951): 350.

19. W. W. Phelps, "Letter No, III," Latter Day Saints' Messenger and Advocate 1 (January 1835): 50.

20. Thorp, 64.

21. Corrill, 20.

22. Max H. Parkin, "A History of the Latter-day Saints In Clay County, Missouri, From 1833 to 1837," (Diss., Brigham Young University, 1976), 190.

23. Joseph Smith, History of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book Co., 1978, 3. Also see Parkin, 190-198,

24. Thorp, 64.

25. Howard 1. McKee, "The Platte Purchase," Missouri Historical Review 32 (1938): 129-130.

26. Ibid., 130-131.

27. History of Clay & Platte Counties, 554.

28. W. W. Phelps, "Letter No. II" (December 1934): 33.

29. Phelps, "Letter III," 50.

30. History of Clay & Platte Counties, 549.

31. Walter Williams and Floyd C. Shoemaker, Missouri, Mother of the West 1 (Chicago: American Historical Society, Inc., 1930), 412, as cited in Wm. Rufus, Jackson, Missouri Democracy, A History of the Party and its Representative Members-Past and Present 1 (Chicago: S. Clarke Publishing Co., Inc., 1935), 102nl8.

32. Lora R. Lockhart, et al., eds. On the Grand River Trail, Clinton and DeKalb Counties, Missouri 1833-1979 (Maysville, Mo.: DeKalb County Historical Society, 1979), 15.

33. History of Clay & Platte Counties, 555.

34. Grand River Trail, 15.

35. Reed Peck, "The Reed Peck Manuscript," (Photocopy of typescript, Salt Lake City: Modern Microfilm, n.d.), 3-4.

36. See for example: "Elder John Brush by Two Friends," Autumn Leaves 4 (1891): 127; also Lyman 0. Littlefield, Reminiscences of Latter-day Saints (Logan, Utah: Utah Journal Co.,1888), 55.

37. William G. Hartley,"They Are My Friends": A History of the Joseph Knight Family, 1825-1850 (Provo, Utah: Grandin Book Co., 1986), 122.

38. "Far West, May, 1838," Elders' Journal of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints (July 1838): 34. Although the article is not signed, the authors are clearly the First Presidency, i.e., Joseph Smith, Jr., Sidney Rigdon, and Hyrum Smith; see George W. Robinson, The Scriptory Book of Joseph Smith Jr. President of The Church of Jesus Christ, of Latter day Saints in all the World. Far West April 12th 1838 (unpublished manuscript located in the Library-Archives, The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints). Typescript available by H. Michael Marquardt, ed., Joseph Smith's 1838-1839 Diaries (Salt Lake City: Modern Microfilm Co., 1982), 7. See entry for May 5, 1838.

39. For a detailed account of this survey expedition, see John E. Thompson, "The Initial Survey Committee Selected to Appoint Lands for Gathering in Daviess County, Missouri (1837-1838)," Maurice L. Draper, ed. Restoration Studies III, (Independence, Mo.: Herald Publishing House, 1986), 305-313.

40. See B. H. Roberts, A Comprehensive History of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints 1 (Provo, Utah: Brigham Young University Press, 1965), 420.

41. Smith, 36.

42. Scriptory Book, 17.

43. This new form of cooperative enterprise was being taught in Adam-ondi-Ahman almost a month earlier than the formal organization of the "firms" in Far West. Compare ibid. to William Swartzell, Mormonism Exposed, Being A Journal of A Residence in Missouri from the 28th of May to the 20th of August, 1838 (Pekin, Ohio: Published by the author, 1840; Salt Lake City; Modern Microfilm, n.d.), 23-24.

44. Albert P. Rockwood, letter to Sister, dated October 6, 1838, from Far West, Mo. Copy of typescript in possession of author.

45. Joseph Holbrook, "The Life of Joseph Holbrook" (LDS Archives), copy of typescript in possession of author.
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