By Ron Romig and Mike Riggs, 1-20-2003
The creation of a new county for the Mormons, in northern Missouri, in 1836, resulted in a general gathering from around the United States and Canada to the area around Far West in Caldwell County, Missouri. From 1831-1833, during the Jackson County period, church members had practiced a cooperative economic system known as the law of Consecration. Some local leaders, and perhaps others, quietly resisted Joseph Smith's views of church-centered versus individual property rights. Bishop Edward Partridge administered the program in keeping with Joseph's wishes as best as he could and resistance to consecration had minimal internal impact.
The economic chaos that followed the church's expulsion from Jackson into Clay County, in 1833, worked against an immediate re-implementation of the church's economic expectations and promoted growing financial diversity among members. After several years of relative economic individuality under the leadership of the Missouri Presidency, members who began colonizing Caldwell County in 1836 were comfortable with the economic autonomy that had resulted from living in a scattered condition. The more centralized circumstances of the gathering in the Far West area realigned economic expectations. Disintegrating social bonds among Kirtland members in 1837 also shifted church leaders' agenda in regard to Northern Missouri. Joseph Smith began taking a more personal interest in Northern Missouri affairs. Especially after Joseph Smith's move to Far West in early 1838, Edward Partridge retained little of his previous fiscal authority. Throughout this period, Joseph and church administrators assumed more and more ecclesiastical responsibility including the financial decisions for the body. Partridge ratified their decisions as he tried to look after members' daily needs, especially caring for needy members who looked to the church for support.
In this climate, a variety of stewardship systems were proposed. The Missouri High Council suggested the church follow a form of tithing. [Cannon and Cook, Far West Record, 129-131.] This proposal probably reflects the attitude of the Missouri Presidency (David Whitmer, Oliver Cowdery, and W.W. Phelps). Generally, they favored a system of voluntary tithing, as a reaction to earlier Jackson County Consecration practices. But the High Council's suggestion was rebuffed by Smith loyalists. The situation remained unresolved as long as Church headquarters remained in Kirtland, Ohio.
Missouri Presidency, David Whitmer, President, John Whitmer and W.W. Phelps, Counselors
Consecration Renewed—Section 106
Joseph Smith's relocation from Kirtland, Ohio to Caldwell County, in 1838, revived the issue. Well aware of the financial and social consequences of the Kirtland Bank failure the previous year, Joseph wished to mobilize members' economic response. He attempted to standardize their stewardship response by reinstituting a simplified form of consecration. A revelation was received that directed.
“Verily, thus saith the Lord, I require all their surplus property to be put into the hands of the bishop of my church in Zion, for the building of mine house, and for the laying the foundation of Zion [the purchase of land], and for the priesthood, and for the debts of the presidency of my church; and this shall be the beginning of the tithing of my people; and after that, those who have thus been tithed, shall pay one tenth of all their interest annually; and this shall be a standing law unto them forever. . . . All those who gather unto the land of Zion shall be tithed of the surplus properties, and shall observe this law, or they shall not be found worthy to abide among you.” [RLDS Doctrine and Covenants 106.]
The financial law of tithing is not described in the 1835 Kirtland Edition of the Doctrine and Covenants.
This "inferior" law, as some have called it, brought Missouri stewardship practices in line with procedures that had been initiated at Kirtland a year earlier. [Bishop Newel K. Whitney issued a memorial urging the Kirtland Saints to build up Zion by the tithe, Messenger and Advocate 3 (September 1837): 562.] Joseph declared this modification of Missouri Church financial policy to be necessary because "the people had polluted their inheritances" while they were in Jackson County. This 1838 law, or what has come to be known as Section 106 of the Doctrine and Covenants, while described as tithing, was really a revised form of the law of Consecration. Section 106 simply called for a consecration of surplus, while the gesture of placing all of one's property on the altar was eliminated. (Jackson County practice had required an initial transfer of property to the church, followed by a reverse assignment of inheritances).
Section 106 anticipated using “tithing” funds to construct a House of the Lord or temple at Far West, acquire additional lands from the Government, and relieve Church debts. The urgency about building a temple at Far West tended to justify coercive tendencies that attended the implementation of the law. Rigdon announced, "We are soon to commence building the Lord's house in Far West, which will enhance the value of property ten fold in its vicinity, and such proprietors as will not consecrate the whole amount of that increase for the building of the house and other uses, shall be delivered over to the brother of Gideon and be sent bounding over the prairies as the dissenters were." [Reed Peck, 92.]
Because of the unsettled nature of the economic affairs of the church during this time, it is hard to tell how many Saints complied with the revelation. However, about three weeks after its announcement, Joseph recorded in his diary that he met with church officials to consider "disposing of the publick [sic] properties in the hands of the Bishop in Zion, for people of Zion have commenced liberally to consecrate their surplus property according to the revelations." [Scott H. Faulring, ed., An American Prophet's Record: The Diaries and Journals of Joseph Smith (Salt Lake City, Utah: Signature Books, 1987), Joseph Smith Diary (1838-1839), 197.]
Brigham Young's observation about northern Missouri stewardship is illustrative of the human side of consecration. Young wrote:
Brigham Young
It is natural to expect a variety of responses, even among dedicated members, in the face of such rigorous financial expectations.
Especially after Joseph Smith's move to Far West, Bishop Edward Partridge retained little of his previous authority. Throughout this period, Joseph and church administrators assumed more and more ecclesiastical responsibility and essentially made the financial decisions for the body. Partridge ratified their decisions as he tried to look after members' daily needs, especially caring for needy members who looked to the church for support.
During the spring and summer of 1838, relations with the church's non-member neighbors, especially in surrounding counties, rapidly began to deteriorate. On the Fourth of July 1838, Sidney Rigdon declared the Church legally independent in its efforts to build the kingdom of God in northern Missouri. Immediately after, plans were announced to ensure the economic self-sufficiency of the Saints as well.
Cooperative Firms
To lessen member dependency on outside non-church resources, Smith and Rigdon promoted cooperative farming ventures, called United Firms. Firm arrangements had been used to provide for the needs of key church leaders in both Kirtland and Jackson County. Now, participation was broadened beyond select church leaders and aimed at including every male.
Evidence suggests church leaders envisioned an extensive system. Rigdon proclaimed that the Saints must be united in temporal and spiritual matters in order to be accepted as children of God. Smith encouraged members everywhere to sell their property and gather to Caldwell County to buy up the land around Far West. John D. Lee recalled, Joseph taught, in this way Zion might be redeemed without the shedding of blood. [John D. Lee, Mormonism Unveiled (St. Louis: Bryan, Brand & Co., 1877), 61.]
John D. Lee, ca. 1870s
George A. Smith later explained the purpose of the firms. “They organized Big Field United Firms, by which they intended to consolidate their property and to regard it as the property of the Lord and themselves only as stewards.” [George Albert Smith, Journal of Discourses, 17 (7 May 1874):61.] Essentially, the plan called for cooperative firms to acquire federal government land and deed it to the church. In exchange, a tract of land would be made available for the use of each participating family. The size of the parcel depended upon the need and number of family members. [Lee, Mormonism Unveiled, 61.] In addition to an allotment of land, members of the cooperatives also worked together to secure necessary housing for the ever-expanding colony. Rockwood wrote, “A large crop of wheat had been planted, and now the cooperative members began building new houses. For a man to secure one, he had to work seventy to eighty days for the firm. Rockwood predicted enthusiastically that "arrangements will soon be made that a person can get every necessity to eat, drink and live on and to wear at the store house of the firm and the best of it is they want no better pay than labour arrangements." Rockwood and cooperative participants were pleased with the prospect of economic independence, anticipating liberation for the “necessity of purchasing of our enemies." [Albert P. Rockwood Letters, 6 October 1838; cited in Marvin S. Hill, Quest for Refuge, 82-83.] The possibility of obtaining a farm and a house were strong economic incentives to encourage member participation and compliance with church economic policy.
The issue of conformity was compounded by the constant inflow of newcomers flooding into Far West in Caldwell County and Adam-ondi-Ahman. Luman Shurtliff, a new arrival, recorded his experience in his journal. “A cooperative firm was organized which I joined with all I possessed. Isaac Morley was appointed president. The company was organized into companies of ten men. One was captain of ten, or more if necessary, to such work and it was soon done. If we needed clothing or food we called on the captain and obtained what was needed." [Luman Andros Shurtliff Journal, typescript, BYU, Special Collections, 33.]
John Smith recorded that he joined a similar unit when he settled at Adam-ondi-Ahman. [Journal of John Smith, 15 October 1838.] By October, some of these firms were nearly set up, and leaders had high hopes for their success. Albert Rockwood enthusiastically described how permanent arrangements are now makeing [sic] for constant employment for both male and female by the operations of Church firms, which are. . .being. . . verry extensively established. The members lease all their Real Estate, save the city lots to the firm to which they belong, for a term of years from 10 to 99, without any consideration or interest. . . . Every member that joins is to put in all he has over and above his needs and wants for his private stewardship in all cases each person is bound to pay his honest debts before leasing. The Calculation is for the brethren to dwell in the cities and cultivate the lands in the vicinity, in fields many miles in extent.”
Rockwood further explained that city plots were provided for cooperative workers by the bishop until they could be purchased as private stewardships. All kinds of commodities, farm and manufactured, were produced by these cooperatives. Already they were giving "constant employ…[to] all who join them and pay $1.00 per day for a man's work—any surplus that may remain, after paying the demands of the firm is to be divided according to the needs and wants, not according to property invested, to each family annu[al]ly or [more] often if needed."[Albert P. Rockwood Letters, 6 October 1838; see also Swartzell, 23-24, for a explanation of the layout of the fields at Adam-ondi-Ahman; as cited in Marvin S. Hill, Quest for Refuge, 82.]
Social Pressure
To be properly understood, Section 106 and the cooperative firms must be interpreted within the context of the church's 1838 siege-minded culture. A society was formed around the time of this gathering, for the purpose of controlling dissent within the church. This movement eventuated in the forced expulsion of the Whitmers and Cowdery families from Far West and the church. Though this organization clearly evolved with different names at times, such as the “Brother of Gideon.”it is generally referred to as the Danites.
John Corrill indicated that one of the early names of this organization was the "Big Fan." Corrill further explained that the church's initial intent was to cleanse any chafe from the wheat within the church. "I think the original object of the Danite band was to operate on the dissenters; but afterwards it grew into a system to carry out the designs of the presidency; and if necessary to use physical force to upbuild the kingdom of God; it was to be done by them." [John Corrill, Brief History of the Church (St. Louis: Printed for the Author, 1839), 32; Senate Document 189, 14]
During the five-year interval following the expulsion from Jackson County, the church adopted an increasingly militaristic posture intent on defending its members and rights from perceived threats. Smith initially organized a para-military relief expedition from Kirtland, called Zion's Camp, into companies of ten while rushing to the aid of exiled Missouri brothers and sisters in 1834. This militaristic, just war, tendency became more extreme as Mormonism clashed with internal dissenters and surrounding cultures. Not content with simply driving out dissidents, at least some members took measures intended to establish the kingdom of God in a more definite form. Following their success in purging the dissenters, Danite leaders used the organization to promote participation in the consecration system. Apparently, consecration did not prove adequate to meet outstanding financial needs. So, they resorted to the same coercive tendencies again to implement the cooperative firms. The Danite system provided the perfect organizational structure to enforce the cooperative business strategy.
Much has been written about whether Joseph and other church leaders sanctioned Danite activities. The organization clearly appears to serve Joseph's interests. Joseph Smith, himself, seems to have confirmed this in connection with the reinstitution of consecration. His diary, kept by Joseph's scribe, George W. Robinson, contains an interesting entry, dated July 27, 1838, subsequently crossed out in pencil in the original: “. . . the brethren or Saints. . . have come up hither Thus far, according to the order [?] of the Danites, we have a company of Danites in these times, to put right physically that which is not right, and to cleanse the Church of verry great evils, which hath hitherto existed among us inasmuch as they cannot be put to right by teachings & persuasyons. This company or a part of them exhibited on the fourth day of July [illegible word] They came up to consecrate by companies of tens, commanded by their captain over ten.” ["Scriptory Book of Joseph Smith Jr President of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latterday Saints in all the world," cited in Dean C. Jessee and David J. Whittaker, Brigham Young University Studies, Winter 1988, 14 and 37, n. 24.]
Joseph Smith, Jr., Prophet-President of the Church of the Latter Day Saints
During the five-year interval since the expulsion from Jackson County, the church had adopted an increasingly militaristic posture intent on defending its members and rights from perceived threats. Smith initially organized a para-military relief expedition from Kirtland, called Zion's Camp, into companies of ten while rushing to the aid of exiled Missouri brothers and sisters in 1834. This militaristic, just war, tendency became more extreme as Mormonism clashed with surrounding cultures.
Corrill continues,
“Shortly after the Danites became organized, they set out to enforce the law of consecration; but this did not amount to much. They then undertook another plan, in which Doctor Arverd was very officious and forward, viz.: to constitute large firms, so that every male member of the Church could become a member of the firm. Every man was to put in all his property by leasing it to the firm for a term of years; overseers or mangers were to be chosen from time to time, by the members of the firm, to manage the concerns of the same, and the rest were to labor under their direction. In the division of the profits, more regard was to be paid towards the needs and wants of the members, than to the amount of stock put in. Many joined these firms, while many others were much dissatisfied with them, which caused considerable feelings and excitement in the Church. Smith said every man must act his own feelings, whether to join or not, yet great exertions were used, and especially by Doctor Arverd [Avard], to persuade all to join.” [Corrill, A Brief History of the Church of Christ of Latter Day Saints, 45-46.]
The cooperative plan created vast agricultural firms through the pooling of individual member resources. At least three organizations were initiated. The Northern Firm may be associated with Adam-ondi-Ahman to the north in Daviess County. The Western Firm, included residents of the Plum Creek Settlement and others living to the west of Far West in Caldwell and Clinton Counties. The Southern Firm was situated in Goose and Log Creek area, including the Rich and Allred Settlements. [See map of Caldwell County]
A year later, in his diary for 20 August 1838, Joseph explained the intent of the firms, “This day the inhabitants of the different parts of the Town or County met to organize themselves into Companies called agricultural Companies. The presidency were there and took a part in the same. One Company was established Called the Western Agricultural Company who voted to take in one field for grain Containing twelve Sections which is Seven thousand Six hundred & Eighty Acres of land. Another Company was organized Called the Eastern Agricultural Company. The number of acres is not yet ascertained. The next day another Company was organised [sic] Called the Southern Agri Company [their] field to be as large as the first one.” [Faulring, An American Prophet's Record, 205.]
James Allred, a county judge, was elected president of the Southern Firm in the area surrounding the Rich Settlement. [Eliza M.A. Munson, "Early Pioneer History," Special Collections and Manuscripts, BYU Library, 1.]
A convert, William Swartzell related his understanding of the proposed arrangement.
. . . There were to be laid off four lots of a thousand acres each; one upon the east, west, north, and south. These thousand acre lots were designed as the general farming lands of the brotherhood, who were all to be under the direction of the dignitaries or overseers of the congregation; and from the proceeds of these thousand acre lots, the laboring part, or those who tilled them, were to receive their bread-stuffs, and their seed-grain, while the residue of the crops was to go to the support of the Church. These overseers have the power of directing who and where to work, and when to quit work—where the rail timber shall be cut, and where the fences shall be built.20. [William Swartzell, Mormonism Exposed, Being a Journal of a Residence in Missouri from the 28th of May to the 20th of August, 1838 (Pekin, Ohio: A. Ingram, Jr., 1840), 24]
To further their economic aims, the Church established a satellite settlement in nearby Carroll County, called DeWitt. Located at the junction of the Grand and Missouri rivers, it was to provide the Church with port access for shipping supplies and products to and from its northern Missouri settlements.
The church's effort to establish cooperative firms in northern Missouri is quite remarkable. Their organization may be viewed as a serious effort to alleviate poverty by making the most of each member's potential to work in their own behalf, as well as the group. A "Brother Winchester" enthusiastically explained this venture to his relatives:
“All kinds of necessary articles will soon be manufactured by these firms that we may be under no necessity of purchasing of our enemies. The firms furnish constant employ for all who join them and pay $1.00 per day for a man's work. Any surplus that may remain after paying the demands of the firm is to be divided according to the needs and wants (Not according to the property invested) to each family, annually or oftener if needed. . . . The operations of these firms enables a man to get a comfortable house in a very few days when he gets about it. 1st by working for the firm 70 or 80 days then the firm turns out stone cutters, teams, carpenters, masons &c., to complete the house and nearly every thing (save the land) is paid for by a man's own labor day for day. . . . Arrangements will soon be made that a person can get every necessary to eat, drink, live on & wear, at the store house of the firms, and the best part of it all is that they want no better pay than labor. Arrangements are making that no person shall have the excuse for not laboring, nothing to do, nor shall the idle eat the bread of industry.” [Letter of Brother Winchester, LDS Journal History (19 September 1839); also quoted in Fawn M. Brodie, No Man Knows My History (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1945), 221-222.]
The Firm arrangement was also apparently "designed to compete in both agricultural and
non-agricultural enterprise with local Missourians." [Michael Riggs, "The Economic Impact of Fort Leavenworth on Northwestern Missouri, 1827-1838: Yet Another Reason for the Mormon War?" in Marjorie B. Troeh and Eileen M. Terrill, eds., Restoration Studies IV (Independence, Missouri, Herald Publishing House, 1988), 124-133.]
Despite glowing allusions, left by participants, relatively little is known about the specific day to day function of these organizations And, whether this was a good or bad plan seems to depend upon one's perspective. Clearly, everyone did not like these arrangements. John Corrill, who later became disaffected, wrote about the cooperatives in less than glowing terms.
“It is believed by them that the Church ought to act in concert, and feel one general interest in building up the "great cause;" and that every man ought to consider his property as consecrated to the Lord for that purpose; yet their law gives every man the privilege of managing his own concerns, and provides against taking each others property without paying for it; and if a man gives for the benefit of the Church, it is considered a voluntary offering. Yet the law requires or enjoins a consecration of the overplus, after reserving for himself and family, and to carry on his business. Much has been said, and great exertions used, at time, to inspire members of the Church with a spirit of consecration and voluntary offering. Some have thus been led to give up all, while others have been backward, which has caused the leaders, at times, to resort to other means of obtaining money to carry on their operations. From some they would borrow, promising to pay again, others they would stimulate to liberality by promising them blessings and prosperity in the name of the Lord, in their business and future prospects; thus, many, from time to time, have lost their property and become dissatisfied, until a great many have lost confidence in their leaders.” [John Corrill, A Brief History of the Church of Christ of Latter Day Saints, (St. Louis: Printed for the Author, 1839), 45-46.]
Reed Peck also recalled,
“All the principles of the Society tended to give the presidency unlimited power over the property, persons and I might say with propriety lives of the members of the church as physical force was to be resorte[d] to if necessary to accomplish their designs.” [Peck, 10.]
Despite economic incentives and threats, in practice, not all of the Saints were willing to part with their property. [John Corrill, 46; John D. Lee, 62.] Some reluctantly acquiesced to group pressure and yet others sought to evade cooperative efforts all together.
John Brush's remembrance sheds light on this perception, “About this time Dr. Avard came among the Saints, preaching the “common stock” theory; and during the summer of 1838 the Saints formed three “firms,” as they were called, for the purpose of doing business in common. Those west of Far West were joined together in one firm, and the ultimate intention was to move all the houses near together and farm the adjoining country in common. Bro. Brush opposed this movement, but a majority favored it and he yielded, hating to stand alone.” [Elder John Brush, by his Friends, Autumn Leaves, 4 (1889):129.] 
John Brush
“Those who had settled in Caldwell County a year or two before had amassed a sizeable amount of property had less to gain and a lot to lose.” [Michael S. Riggs, “Where Cain Killed Able,” 31 January 1989, 38.] Some of these resisted any interference with their individual property rights. Daniel Thomas Stillwell chose to participate, while his brother did not. "Mr. Thomas had entered all the land he wanted, timber and prairie, driven his stakes for a large farm, as though he could turn the world upside down with a plow. He put in a large crop but before it was ripe he was called to other duties. Brother James Allred called on him and his brother, Henry, to join the big field company. They wanted to fence a large field for the benefit of the poor. They wanted all the tools for farming that could be spared, oxen, horses, cows, and work when called on. He told them "Yes" he would do anything the rest did. Henry, his brother, said "No," he had all he could do to take care of himself." [Martha Thomas Autobiography, in Daniel Thomas Family History (1927), 15.]
Brother Hoopes confided to William Swartzell, “All this confusion startles me—they tell me that I must come in to the city and building it, or I will be cut off from the Church. I will not do it.” [Swartzell, 34.] John D. Lee noted, many "felt like Ananias and Sapphira" and entered land in their own names at the land office, afterward [they] were guilty of "forcing the poor Saints to pay them large advances for every acre." [John D. Lee, 62, 65; cited in Hill, 81-82.]
Regional Economic Opportunities
Farm commodities were not the only products the Mormons were planning to produce. According to one firm member, "all kind
of necessary articles will be manufactured." [Albert P. Rockwood, letter to Sister, dated October 6, 1838, from Far West, Missouri.] Accounts suggest plans were underway to organize three other types of cooperatives in addition to the agricultural firms. It was envisioned that mechanics, shopkeepers, and laborers might be united, thus using the land, equipment, and skills of church members toward the common good. [Leonard J. Arrington et al., Building the City of God, 36. See also, Ronald E. and Anne L. Romig, Stewardship Concepts and Practices: Studies in Restoration History (Independence, Missouri: Herald Publishing House, 1992), 21-23.]
The Saints' cooperative activities were especially stimulated by the presence of Fort Leavenworth situated close to the nearby Platt region. Fort Leavenworth was the outermost civilized post of note in the west. In order to supply the Fort, an immense sum of money must be expended in the upper counties- to furnish the troops, the Indians, and others, with provisions, fodder and other necessaries. [W.W. Phelps, "Letter III," Messenger and Advocate, 50, as cited in Michael Riggs, "The Economic Impact of Fort Leavenworth on Northwestern Missouri, 1827-1838: Yet Another Reason for the Mormon War?" in Marjorie B. Troeh and Eileen M. Terrill, eds., Restoration Studies IV (Independence, Missouri, Herald Publishing House, 1988), 124-133.]
Historian Mike Riggs observes, "With this kind of land and human resources available, combined with a highly
organized transportation network, the Mormons could have collectively
dominated the local markets. [Riggs, "The Economic Impact of Fort Leavenworth on Northwestern Missouri, Restoration Studies IV, 124-133.]
This ambitious nonagricultural competition, attempted by the firms, was later described by Joseph Holbrook, a member of the Western Agricultural Firm.
"About the first of October 1838 the Western Firm
having heard that the government was about to let out a job for making a road from Fort Leavenworth south through the Indian country they sent Esquire Bozarth and myself to look out for such road and put in such bids as might think proper. . . . We put in a sealed bid of fourteen thousand dollars for the two north sections of 40 miles to grade, bridge, and etc. Then there were about 100 such bids put in for said road, many for double that of ours while there was some for less which relieved us from further duties." [Joseph Holbrook, "The Life of Joseph Holbrook," LDS Archives].
Even though the bid was not
won, merely attempting it demonstrates the firm's intentions of engaging in a
variety of economic pursuits, including head-to-head competition with the Missourians. [Riggs, "The Economic Impact of Fort Leavenworth on Northwestern Missouri, Restoration Studies IV, 124-133.]
Conclusions and Effects on the Rich Branch
As has been shown, there are a number of allusions to the general function and purpose of the cooperative firms throughout the Mormon settlements in Northern Missouri. As a consequence of this arrangement, many farms and homes of members living in the Rich Settlement and Log and Goose Creek areas may have come into being as a result of such cooperative endeavors. Because Caldwell County's secondary land sales records were destroyed by fire in the 1860s, little is known about who may have lived were and when throughout the period. While almost certainly, many were living on their own land, this arrangement appears to have turned countless others essentially into squatters on either church controlled or government land. But, the extent of the Rich Branch/Log/Goose Creek members' involvement in the Southern Firm and its effect on the life of the extended community cannot be documented comprehensively at this point.
